To Abolish or to Restructure?
Joaquin G. Bernas, S.J.
In my column last week I cited the 1994 decision upholding the
constitutionality of pork barrel. The argument that had been used against the
Fund was that, although appropriating money was the function of Congress,
spending it was the prerogative of the executive department and Congress should
not interfere with spending. The
Court ruled in favor of the Fund saying that, as the law stood, what the law
allowed congressmen to do was simply to recommend projects. If the recommended projects qualified
for funding under the CDF, it was the President who would implement them.
Prior to the approval of the 1994 General Appropriations Act,
pork barrel, which had been recognized by the 1935 Constitution as a legitimate
institution, had not received much attention. In the years from 1972 to 1986, there was no talk about pork
barrel. But those were unusual
years because, for all practical purposes, President Marcos controlled the
national treasury, both pork and beef.
After the restoration of democratic processes and during the years from
1986 to 1993, pork barrel was not a hot subject of debate. It was only after the approval of 1994
General Appropriations Act that pork barrel became a frequent front page
subject for debate.
One reason for this, of course, was that the amount involved had
grown. In 1994 the total amount involved was 2.9 billion pesos. By 2013, the total amount appropriated
had ballooned to 24.7 billion. But
when we were discussing pork barrel in class in 1996, one of my students who
had been studying the phenomenon, said to me that the amount alone could not be
the reason for the heated dispute over the pork barrel. After all, the amount involved was only
a small fraction of the total budget.
He put the blame, you might find it strange, on the 1994 decision of the
Supreme Court. But I think, more
appropriately, the blame could be put on the 1994 Congress. How so?
My 1996 student pointed out to me that earlier pork barrel laws
specifically stated that the money could be released only with the approval of
the President, and that the Budget Secretary should promulgate rules and
regulations for pork barrel funds.
Such requirements were removed by the GAA for FY 1994, R.A. 7663. R.A. 7663 instead simply said: “The
fund shall be automatically released quarterly by way of Advice of Allotments
and Notice of Cash Allocation directly to the assigned implementing agency not
later than five (5) days after the beginning of each quarter upon submission of
the list of projects and activities by the officials concerned.”
Who are these “officials concerned”? They are Senators, Representatives and the Vice
President. There is nothing in the
1994 law about prior approval by the President. The further implication seems to be that, if no list was
submitted by the “officials concerned,” the President could not use the fund
for other necessary projects. In
effect, R.A. 7663 gave to the members of Congress control over the release of approved
funds.
I have not checked whether or how long this provision of R.A.
7663 survived in subsequent General Appropriation Acts. I have been able to check only the
provisions of the GAA for FY 2013 and I did not see a copy of the 1994
provision. However, I did see a
provision which indicates that there still is a continuing role for members of
Congress in the actual implementation of the fund. The allowable extent is not clear. But if we may judge from continuing media reports on how,
for instance, the indigents in hospitals can receive funds through legislators,
the role of legislators is still extensive – extensive enough for them to be
able to use their clout for reelection purposes.
The important question now is: What will the President do about
it? How will he respond to the
rally of last week? The Budget
Secretary says that the 2014 Budget is already set. I do not know whether this means that what happened under
the 2013 GAA can still happen now.
The Inter-Agency Anti-Graft Coordinating Council manned, or
“womanned”, by what Scripture might call mulieres
fortes, is encouraging. But
its focus is on the investigation of the misuse of PDAF, the prosecution of
legislators and others who have misused it, and the recovery of assets that
have been wrongfully taken.
Responsibility for making these a success belongs to the executive
department. How much success will the executive achieve?
Preventing past abuses from happening again cannot be achieved by
the executive department alone. We
have to remember that PDAF is about the disposition of money of the
public. And the constitutional
guardian of the public treasury is Congress. Although the year’s budget is prepared by the executive
department, it is not only much influenced by the input of members of Congress
but it is also ultimately dependent on what Congress approves. True, the President can veto items in
what Congress produces. But the President
can do nothing if Congress overrides his veto.
What all this means is that what will happen to the pork barrel
will test the President’s leadership – his biggest test, perhaps.
2 September 2013
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