A recent article on the Kennedy legacy published in The Tablet, a British Catholic weekly,
recalls a speech of John F. Kennedy given before a hostile crowd crowd of
Protestant ministers. Kennedy said: “I believe in an America where the
separation of church and state is absolute; where no Catholic prelate would
tell the President – should he be Catholic – how to act, and no Protestant
minister would tell his parishioners for whom to vote; where no church or
church school is granted any public funds or political preference, and where no
man is denied public office merely because his religion differs from the
president who might appoint him, or the people who might elect him.”
The speech, given in the heat of a presidential campaign, was
designed to quell fears of a Catholic President. To a large
extent it served its purpose as shown by the election of Kennedy as
President.
In 2012, another Catholic but Republican candidate, Rick
Santorum, would contradict the Democrat Kennedy saying, “I don’t believe in an
America where the separation of Church and State is absolute. The idea that the
Church can have no influence or no involvement in the operation of the State is
absolutely antithetical to the objectives and vision of our country … To say
that people of faith have no role in the public square? You bet that makes you
throw up.”
Political campaign speeches tend to be absolutist in tone and
frequently have to be subjected to distinctions in order to arrive at the full
truth. Kennedy’s statement, for
instance, about the grant of public funds to religious institutions have been
nuanced by recent jurisprudence.
Government financial aid may now be given to religious institutions
provided that the grant (1) is for
a secular legislative purpose, (2) must have a primary effect that neither
advances nor inhibits religion, and (3) must not require excessive government
entanglement with the recipient
institution. A number of other
decisions have refined this teaching.
As to religious influence on the life of society, we are too
aware of the excesses of churchmen the Catholic reigion was the established, or
of efforts to prohibit the reading of the novels of Rizal, or now of efforts of
some preachers to exclude from the Church those who favor the RH Law or to
punish legislators who voted for the Bill.
The Catholic teaching on this subject may already be found in the
Compendium on the Social Teaching of the
Catholic Church which says, “Because
of its historical and cultural ties to a nation, a religious community might be
given special recognition on the part of the State. Such recognition must in no
way create discrimination within the civil or social order for other religious
groups” and “Those responsible for government are required to interpret the
common good of their country not only according to the guidelines of the
majority but also according to the effective good of all the members of the
community, including the minority.”
During the earlier debates on the RH Bill I myself had argued
against some provisions of the bill which I thought should be deleted before
the approval of the bill or should be challenged constitutionally if included
in the partial version of the bill.
Because of this, I and a number of colleagues offered ways of improving
the bill and we published what we called talking points on the bill.
I have studied the final version, the approved law, and I notice
that points which I would have considered constitutionally objectionable have
been removed or nuanced. Moreover,
the prohibition of abortion has been made more specific.
But the debate on the approved law continues. I am rather disturbed by preachers who
use their opposition to the law as a way of defeating electoral candidates who favor
or have favored the law. Tactics
are being used which can have the effect of driving Catholics away from the
Catholic church or at least from Sunday Masses where the preachers subject the
audience to prolonged attacks on the RH Law and to threats of damnation against
those who favor the law.
As to the constitutional arguments being used against the law
which are not impressive. The
arguments I have seen can be reduced to one sentence: “The law is unconstitutional because it does not hew closely to the
teaching of the Catholic church on contraception.”
This is a throwback to pre-1908 political society in the
Philippines. It forgets what the
Compendium teaches: “Those responsible
for government are required to interpret the common good of their country not
only according to the guidelines of the majority but also according to the
effective good of all the members of the community, including the minority.” Worse yet, it ignores both the
non-establishment clause and the free exercise clause of the Constitution.
P.S. on an unrelated
subject. The Supreme Court is
revising the Rules of Civil Procedure and will hold a National Conference from
28-30 June 2013. The deans of our country's leading law schools and experts in
Civil Procedure are already preparing drafts for the new Rules. The Office of
Justice Roberto A. Abad is open to receiving suggestions from all lawyers (newcivpro@gmail.com).
14 January 2012